Iran and UAE Seek to Turn the Page After BRICS Summit: Can New Delhi Diplomacy Repair Gulf Ties?
Iran and the United Arab Emirates have signalled a possible diplomatic reset after years of strained relations, with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan holding a significant meeting on the sidelines of the BRICS Summit in New Delhi.
The meeting was the highest-level Iran-UAE contact since the outbreak of the recent regional war. Both sides discussed regional and international issues, with particular emphasis on de-escalation, stability, peace and development. The UAE’s official account of the meeting did not announce a concrete agreement, but the decision to hold the talks itself was diplomatically significant.
A day after the meeting, Pezeshkian said Iran and the UAE had agreed to “put the past behind” and look toward rebuilding their relationship. His comments suggested that Tehran wants to move beyond the confrontation of recent months and reopen a channel with one of its most important Gulf neighbours.
The timing is particularly important. Relations between Tehran and Abu Dhabi have deteriorated sharply during the conflict. The UAE was targeted by Iranian missiles and drones, while Tehran argued that its military actions were directed at American interests and facilities in the region. The confrontation placed Abu Dhabi in an increasingly difficult position between its security partnership with Washington and its geographic proximity to Iran.
The UAE had also taken economic measures against Iran. According to recent reporting, Abu Dhabi suspended trade and financial dealings with Tehran in August following the escalation. Emirati officials have made clear that restoring trust will be considerably harder than simply reopening diplomatic communication.
That explains why the New Delhi meeting should not be interpreted as a full diplomatic breakthrough. The two countries have begun talking again, but major questions remain unresolved — particularly security guarantees, attacks on Gulf territory, freedom of navigation and Iran’s future relationship with its Arab neighbours.
UAE diplomatic adviser Anwar Gargash recently described rebuilding trust with Iran as a “mountain to climb.” He said there could nevertheless be a path toward improved relations if Tehran accepted durable principles of non-belligerence and mutual respect. He also stressed that Iran’s intentions would ultimately have to be judged by its actions rather than its statements.
The economic incentive for both sides is substantial. The UAE has historically been an important commercial gateway for Iranian business, while Iran wants stronger economic and political relationships with neighbouring Gulf states. A stable relationship could eventually facilitate the restoration of trade, financial links and investment.
But security remains the central obstacle.
The recent war demonstrated how quickly tensions between Iran and the United States can spill into the Gulf. The UAE, like other Gulf countries, faces the risk of becoming a battlefield because of its close military relationship with Washington and the presence of American facilities on its territory.
Pezeshkian has nevertheless sought to distinguish the UAE itself from the American military presence in the country. That distinction could provide Tehran and Abu Dhabi with diplomatic space to improve bilateral ties without requiring either side to abandon its wider strategic relationships.
The BRICS platform also played an important role. Iran and the UAE are both members of the expanded 11-country grouping, placing them in the same multilateral forum despite their bilateral confrontation. On the first day of the New Delhi summit, both countries supported a BRICS statement calling for restraint and diplomacy in the Middle East.
That consensus was itself significant. BRICS had faced the difficult task of producing a common position on a conflict involving one of its members, Iran, while another member, the UAE, is closely aligned with the United States. The eventual declaration called for maximum restraint and a diplomatic approach, creating a political environment in which Iranian and Emirati representatives could engage directly.
India’s role is also noteworthy. By hosting the BRICS summit, New Delhi provided a setting where countries with sharply different security interests could meet without requiring a separate bilateral diplomatic initiative. The Iran-UAE discussion therefore became one of the most important side developments of the summit.
For India, improved Iran-UAE relations could also support wider regional stability. India has substantial economic, energy and connectivity interests in the Gulf and depends on secure maritime routes for trade. De-escalation between Tehran and Abu Dhabi would therefore have consequences well beyond the two countries.
The immediate outcome, however, remains modest. No comprehensive reconciliation agreement was announced, and there is no indication that all economic and diplomatic restrictions have been lifted. The UAE has made clear that rebuilding confidence will take time, while Iran faces pressure to demonstrate through its behaviour that it is prepared for a different relationship with Gulf neighbours.
Still, the symbolism of the New Delhi meeting should not be underestimated. After months of confrontation, the leaders of Iran and the UAE sat down directly and discussed reducing tensions. Pezeshkian’s subsequent statement about putting the past behind suggests Tehran wants to build on that opening.
The bigger question now is whether BRICS diplomacy in New Delhi can become the starting point for a broader Gulf-Iran reconciliation. If Tehran and Abu Dhabi can translate the latest political contact into confidence-building measures, economic engagement and security dialogue, the meeting could mark the beginning of a significant regional reset. If not, it may remain an important but largely symbolic moment in an otherwise deeply strained relationship.
